ANNOUNCER: The following program contains the use
of racial epithets in historical context
and to recount personal experiences.
Viewer discretion is advised.
♪ ♪
PHYLLIS ELLISON-FEASTER: The first day of school,
my brother and I had our bus assignments,
and we collected students and other buses
to drive up to South Boston High School.
L Street Annex, right over here-- first two buses, please.
BOB MONAHAN: I went up to Southie High.
There was staging for the television cameras.
And the first one I noticed was the BBC.
We all knew something was going to happen.
LEON ROCK: As the kids were getting out the buses,
there was a line of police
holding back residents from South Boston
screaming at the Black students.
We were fearful for our lives.
RUTH BATSON: We were not pushing for desegregation
because of the brotherhood of man concept.
Where there were White students, that's where the money went.
MONAHAN: How adults in Boston could not have come up with a better plan,
it still baffles me.
WOMAN: I'm not for this.
I don't care, my one will not go to school.
But it's tearing them apart.
I wouldn't care if they were green or purple.
It's the idea of putting my kid on a bus when I have a school
right across the street from where they should go.
JIM VRABEL: White families and even some Black families
felt that the decision of where their children
should go to school should be up to them.
First of all, busing will never work in this city-- never.
They will not take the rights away from these people.
ROCK: Many Black parents were saying, "This is crazy.
No, we can't send our kids into the lion's den."
WOMAN: I don't want to bus my child
to any school.
I want to have a good school in my community where my child
can go and get just as much good education as anybody else.
MATTHEW DELMONT: The battle over busing in Boston
exposed an important truth,
that the majority of White Americans
didn't actually support civil rights if it meant
they had to actually address racial inequality
in their own cities.
The people of Boston elected people
to public office who campaigned
on deliberately racist platforms.
LOUISE DAY HICKS: If you ask me,
"Do you know where I stand?", you know where I stand.
Shoot all the niggers.
MAN: Why?
Because why should they move over here and wreck this city?
IRA JACKSON: It was the ugliest
that I've ever experienced human nature,
and the most fraught with danger
and concern that we were at the precipice
of anarchy, civil war-- a race riot.
It's not a question
of whether the Constitution can be enforced.
It's only a question of at what cost.
(people shouting)
♪ ♪
(people talking in background)
(shutters clicking)
(static crackling)
Good evening, my fellow citizens.
BRYANT ROLLINS: On June 11, 1963,
President John Kennedy calls for a national press conference
and all three networks broadcast it.
It rivets the attention of the country.
The Negro baby born in America today,
regardless of the section or the state in which he is born,
has about one-half as much chance
of completing a high school as a White baby
born in the same place on the same day.
I was at home watching him on TV.
And to hear a president of the United States
acknowledge the depth of the racial challenges
was just remarkable and uplifting.
In the middle of the struggles that are going on in the South,
to take a side like that, on our side,
it was, like, revolutionary.
There can be no submission to the theory
that the central government...
ROLLINS: Earlier in the day,
Governor George Wallace stood in the schoolhouse door and said,
"In my tenure as governor here,
Negroes will never attend the University of Alabama."
I am asking from you an unequivocal assurance
that you will not bar entry to these students,
to Vivian Malone and to James Hood.
ROLLINS: Kennedy finally saw how rigid
and devastating the racism in the South had become,
that it was no longer possible to stay on the sidelines.
This is not a sectional issue.
Difficulties over segregation and discrimination
exist in every city in every state of the Union.
Part of the irony of Kennedy's speech was that in Boston,
the NAACP is appearing before the Boston School Committee,
in an equally dramatic moment, at the same time.
It was a very hot night, there was no air conditioning.
The windows were wide open in search of air.
PEOPLE (in distance): ♪ We shall overcome ♪
JONES: You could hear, downstairs, demonstrators
chanting and singing freedom songs.
Inside the school committee headquarters,
Ruth Batson presented her case
to the all-White school committee.
FARAH STOCKMAN: Ruth Batson really is on a mission to get
the Boston School Committee to admit
that there was de facto segregation
in the schools and to do something about it.
JONES: Louise Day Hicks, South Boston lawyer,
chairperson of the school committee, said to Mrs. Batson,
"Mrs. Batson, we don't segregate the schools.
"We only assign students to schools closest
"to where they live, so we're not accepting this notion
"and we are not going to do anything
about what you're talking about."
We made our presentation, and everything broke loose.
We were completely rejected that night,
and we left battle-scarred.
If an American, because his skin is dark,
cannot eat lunch in a restaurant open to the public,
if he cannot send his children
to the best public school available,
if he cannot vote,
who among us would then be content
with the counsels of patience and delay?
So here you've got President Kennedy making
an impassioned speech to the nation,
in this morally rich position that he's taking,
juxtaposed with the Boston School Committee,
which is presented with this opportunity,
and it does exactly the opposite: dug its heels in.
JONES: This meeting is a turning point.
It ignited a movement.
The Civil Rights Movement came to Boston
on June 11, 1963.
(crowd singing)
♪ ♪
VRABEL: In the 1960s,
Boston was a rundown has-been of a city.
The middle class was on its way out.
It was left as a place for the poor and working class.
It was a city of Waldorf and Hayes-Bickford cafeterias,
and bookie joints,
and newspapers blowing down the streets.
BILL JOY: Boston is sort of like
the palm of your hand.
You have the little peninsulas
going out into the harbor,
whether it's Dorchester, South Boston,
East Boston, North End, Charlestown.
They go out into the harbor.
And the Downtown area is sort of the back of your hand.
So, you don't go through the neighborhoods.
The neighborhoods are their own little sort of worlds.
ROLLINS: East Boston was the Italian neighborhood.
Mattapan was the Jewish neighborhood.
South Boston was the Irish neighborhood.
The South End was Hispanic, by and large.
Right adjacent to the Downtown Boston
was the Chinese community.
♪ ♪
Roxbury-- Lower Roxbury and Upper Roxbury--
were the Black communities:
African Americans who had been there for some 200 years,
and Caribbean Americans who came in the 1900s.
STOCKMAN: Ten years earlier,
Boston had been a very White city.
In the 1950s, you're seeing people
come up from the Deep South.
They're crowding into these neighborhoods
where Blacks are allowed to live--
the South End and Roxbury.
They can't move out because of racial covenants
written into the deeds.
And outside of those Black neighborhoods,
they faced tremendous discrimination.
ROLLINS: The conditions were pretty bad, and they were deteriorating
as more folks moved in.
JONES: Boston was like up South.
There were patterns of racial discrimination everywhere.
Black folks were invisible.
It was like they didn't live in the city.
People from South Boston didn't come into Roxbury.
People from Roxbury didn't go into South Boston.
(crowd cheering, drums pounding)
AL HOLLAND: We used to try to go
to the St. Patrick Day parade.
Once we got to the South Boston side, we realized that,
"Hey, we'd better get out of here,"
because people started yelling at us,
calling us all kinds of names.
Then people started chasing us.
JOE BURNIEIKA: The only time I ever saw a Black person
when I was growing up was when the Black Jehovah Witnesses
would come down the street.
My grandmother, who was from County Cork in Ireland...
(laughs): When she would see them coming down,
she would say, "Close the blinds,
don't answer the door!"
And I could never understand
what she was so upset about.
But that was the environment that I grew up in.
♪ ♪
Boston's tradition of education is long and lustrous.
It had the first school in America, in Boston Latin.
Up until the Depression, it was probably one of the best
public school systems in the country.
But then it kind of hit a downturn
and became more of a political place.
It was all about getting constituents jobs.
Everybody knew that if you wanted to have a promotion,
if you wanted to become an assistant principal,
or, God forbid, you wanted to be a principal,
you had to contribute
to the campaigns of the elected school committee.
It was never based on merit.
Boston had literally a two-tiered system
of high schools-- there were the district high schools,
like East Boston,
South Boston High School, Charlestown High School.
Charlestown High School, you might only have a few kids
that graduated and went to a four-year college.
Then there were the exam schools.
There was Boston Latin for boys,
there was Girls' Latin,
and Boston Tech.
And those schools were elite
and mostly White.
As a student in training to be a teacher
and visiting Boston schools and then visiting,
as well, schools in the suburbs,
the differences were extreme.
So, in the suburban schools,
I would see these beautiful new school buildings,
modern science labs, modern auditoriums.
And I'd go back to visiting a school
in Boston, and I'd say, like, "Are we in the same world,
the same planet, the same state?"
"Why are schools in Boston underfunded
and disgraceful-looking?"
VRABEL: The schools in the African American community
were even less well-off.
The school buildings were older, the resources less.
ZEBULON MILETSKY: Black schools were located
in some of the oldest school buildings in Boston.
They were missing basic resources
like paper, pencils, pens.
But they also didn't have lunchrooms,
and they didn't have libraries, in some cases, or gymnasiums.
JONATHAN KOZOL: The school building which I taught in Boston
was something out of a Charles Dickens novel.
We taught two, three, four classes
all in the same un-partitioned, noisy auditorium, day after day.
Kids there were loaded with substitute teachers,
walls were peeling paint,
blackboards were collapsing.
My elementary teachers were all White.
There was nothing about Black history
or the contributions of other minorities to this country.
I knew all the Irish songs.
The basketball coach, he had us saying,
"Hail Mary, full of grace, the Lord be with..."
And we're all Black kids.
Most of us were Baptists.
♪ ♪
ROLLINS: I remember we read "Little Black Sambo" out loud.
Tremendously stereotypical African kid,
the object of fun and laughter.
And I saw myself in that kid,
and I knew other people saw me in that kid.
Later on, I was very angry about it,
but when I was in the middle of it,
I had to learn how to live in that environment
without knowing what was wrong,
only knowing that I don't feel right about this.
STOCKMAN: The fight for racial equity
started more than a decade before
that school committee meeting in 1963.
It began with Ruth Batson.
JONES: Ruth Batson was a Roxbury resident,
a mother of three children.
She was fed up with what her children
were not getting from the Boston Public Schools.
BATSON: I was living in the Orchard Park Housing Project,
and two of my children were attending the Dearborn School.
And I was very concerned with their education,
because I had the feeling from talking with other parents
in other parts of the city
that the education was different.
LYDA PETERS: Ruth talked to teachers about her children,
and asks why is there a difference
between what her child is assigned
and what children from predominantly White districts
are assigned, such as science.
She gets ridiculed and she is demeaned,
so that fires her up.
BATSON: I became chairperson
of the NAACP public school committee.
I gathered a group of people around me,
and when we would go to White schools,
we'd see these lovely classrooms,
a small number of children in each class.
The teachers were permanent.
We would see wonderful materials.
When we'd go to our schools,
we would see overcrowded classrooms,
children sitting out in the corridors, and so forth.
We felt that if we moved our students
to where they were spending the money, we would benefit.
We certainly didn't think
that just putting Black and White kids together
meant that Black kids would improve.
VRABEL: She ran for school committee in the 1950s and lost,
but, as an activist said, "She gave people spine."
JONES: She had a tough core of steel.
You mess with Ruth Batson,
you better be ready.
ANNOUNCER: It's time for the "Longines Chronoscope,"
a television journal
of the important issues of the hour.
The United States Supreme Court has made a unanimous decision.
It's ruled that Negro and White pupils in our public schools
must not be segregated.
This will surely have a penetrating significance
on all American life.
TOMIKO BROWN-NAGIN: This was a decision that
many African Americans had hoped for
for a long time.
The lawyers from the NAACP Legal Defense Fund
had been litigating this line of cases for several years.
And finally, they had this triumphant opinion that said
separate Black and White schools were unlawful.
The Black schools were invariably inferior.
MILETSKY: Ruth Batson felt jubilation.
She, you know, thought to herself,
now that Brown v. Board has been decided,
this was going to open the doors for all Black children,
whether in the South or the North.
ALAN ROSE: African American families
across the country had a right to expect that
their children would no longer be sent
to schools that were segregated,
and that instead, they would be going to schools
that were integrated.
That was their expectation
and that was their constitutional right.
♪ ♪
(children calling in background)
DELMONT: For Black activists in Boston, nothing practically changes
after the Brown decision in terms of what's
actually going on on the ground for Black children.
And eventually, it increases frustration,
because they can see with their own eyes
that segregation exists in Boston,
that there's children that are receiving
second-class educations.
Another group started in 1960, a group called
CBPS-- Citizens for Boston Public Schools.
It was started to try and do something about the schools.
The only community that was interested in working with them
was the Black community and Ruth Batson.
ROLLINS: In 1961, the Boston Citizens for Public Schools
put together their own slate for the school committee.
One of the primary candidates was Mel King,
who was a leader in the African American community.
ALLEN: They were running a campaign that was based on,
"We are interested in reforming
and building a quality school system in Boston."
MILETSKY: Louise Day Hicks is also a candidate
for the Boston School Committee.
She bills herself as the only mother in the race.
At that time, she was soliciting the Black vote,
and very actively doing so in the community.
Mel King didn't get elected, but Louise Day Hicks did.
So, what the NAACP does is compile
a bunch of statistics.
And they find that 13 schools were predominantly Black.
And in those schools, there was a terrible case of overcrowding.
One school was built to hold 600 kids,
and there were more than a thousand enrolled.
They were old buildings.
Four had been condemned.
The school system spends, on average,
$275 per elementary school kid per year.
But in some of these predominantly Black schools,
it's only spending $229.
So, they compile a very strong case
that kids in these predominantly Black schools are suffering.
And it's on the merits of these statistics
that they demand a meeting.
MILETSKY: At the meeting, Ruth reminded them that
they had been talking about these issues for years,
that they had been trying to remind them of the plight
of Black students in the system,
and that no one had listened.
REPORTER: Would you care to speculate on why
the NAACP has raised this issue in Boston?
HICKS: I might say that it's a national problem,
and they have brought it to Boston,
where it does not belong.
REPORTER: You do not believe, then, that this agitation
originated here in this city.
HICKS: No, I do not.
We go prepared to the school system,
and we were really innocent-- we were naive.
We were insulted. (laughs)
We were told our kids were stupid,
and this was why they didn't learn.
We found out that we had brought to them
a wonderful political issue, and that this was an issue
that was going to give their political careers
stability for a long time to come.
(talking in background)
REPORTER: Today, Boston witnessed
the Stay Out for Freedom Day, the so-called boycott
by Negro students of junior and senior high schools of Boston.
VRABEL: When the school committee refused
to do anything to respond to the NAACP,
the Black community decided
that they had to keep the pressure on and, and act.
Reverend James Breeden had witnessed a school stay-out
in the South, and he suggested doing the same thing in Boston.
"Let's get the Black children to stay out of school
for a day and to show that we represent a lot of people."
EDWARD CROWDER: When the stay-out of school for freedom came,
there was no question I was going to be there.
I was coming out of a relatively poor family,
but even as a child, I had aspirations to do better.
I didn't tell my parents.
Dad would be scared that that could impact him.
ROLLINS: We identified locations where we set up freedom schools,
and we filled them with music, with poetry,
and with lessons,
and with speakers who these young people
would never have an opportunity to encounter.
We helped to make the connection to the South.
We helped them to understand that this freedom school
was part of the Civil Rights Movement.
NOEL DAY: Most of you came here
because you understood that
here in Boston,
you are deprived of your rights
just as much as people in Birmingham
are deprived of their rights.
We've taken the first real step in Boston
in beginning the struggle for our freedom here.
REPORTER: Bill Russell of the Boston Celtics,
you gave a very powerful speech today at this freedom sit-in.
Could you tell us what you feel is the success
of this freedom stay-out?
RUSSELL: The important thing is that we have taken the first step,
and we have,
as they say, thrown the gauntlet down. REPORTER: Right.
RUSSELL: And we're into the fight now, and I think we'll win.
DELMONT: In November of 1963,
there's a Boston School Committee election.
Louise Day Hicks is reelected to the school committee.
She wins in a landslide.
She sees that she's been rewarded
for fighting against integration of schools.
VRABEL: Louise, early on,
saw that a way of getting more votes
and raising her political profile
was to oppose these efforts at ending de facto segregation.
STOCKMAN: People in the Black community were frustrated
that nothing was happening.
They didn't win at the ballot box.
They didn't get anywhere with the school committee.
So, three Black state legislators
file racial imbalance bills
to say that if a town or city had
racially imbalanced schools, they would have to address it.
Those bills went nowhere.
In February 1964, there's a second school stay-out,
and this one's much larger than the first one.
This time, you have a number of students
from suburban schools outside of Boston
come in and participate, as well.
JONES: I was asked to organize students living in the suburbs
to come join the stay-out
and to attend freedom schools, and get to know kids
from Boston, and kids who were different
from them in race and culture.
And the response was amazing.
(people talking in background)
BATSON: We have these three musicians this morning,
were able to integrate this room in two minutes.
They merely said, "You come down here and sit here,
and you come there and sit there."
And we were integrated, weren't we?
(applauding)
I don't feel that this plan needs so, all that brains.
I think it just mean, needs some goodwill and some common sense.
♪ This little light of mine, I'm gonna let it shine ♪
ROY WILKINS: Boston seems to be unique in the United States cities
in that its school board, as far as we're able to learn,
has refused to admit that de facto segregation
exists in Boston, and won't even talk about it.
This is the oddest position that any city
has taken in the United States.
♪ ♪
JONES: We saw in 1963
and 1964 an extraordinary amount of energy
being used to try to move
the Boston public school system.
Like you never saw before.
It was fierce energy.
ROLLINS: It's like a tsunami was sitting off the coast.
And these different events that were happening:
Ruth Batson at the school committee,
the stay-out for freedom.
(chanting)
ROLLINS: Picketing the school department,
the sit-ins.
MAN: School Committee! PROTESTERS: Must go!
ROLLINS: And so, the school committee,
every time something like this happened,
they dug their heels in even more so.
They acted in ways that provoked more action on our part
because they would benefit from it.
MAN: Watch your head...
All right, back it up.
(people singing and clapping)
(talking in background)
MAN: Got to open up, now! Open up!
Open up! Let's go!
What we must have is quality integrated education
across the board and we must have it in Boston.
(people cheer and applaud)
And I want you to know that I'm with you.
I come here because you have come to us so often.
ROLLINS: Martin Luther King was invited to come in April of 1965
by the Southern Christian Leadership Conference,
SCLC, which was his main organization.
MILETSKY: Martin Luther King's visit kind of packed with meaning,
because he had been a student at Boston University.
He had preached and given sermons
at Twelfth Baptist Church.
He met Coretta Scott King in Boston.
It was announced that there was gonna be a march for freedom.
We were going to meet and greet Martin Luther King.
Martin Luther King was our leader.
He was the one that we were following.
♪ Amen ♪
ROLLINS: All of my friends were there.
These are the people who had put their heart and soul
into the activism during Boston's emerging
Civil Rights Movement, and at great risk to themselves.
And here they were,
being supported by this icon from out of town.
(woman singing)
It was thrilling to feel supported in that way.
WOMAN: ♪ I can hear you sing out ♪
ROLLINS: We walked, singing freedom songs,
and then at the Common, he gave one of his big speeches.
KING: It would be demagogic and dishonest for me to say
that Boston is a Birmingham,
or to equate Massachusetts with Mississippi,
but it would be morally irresponsible
were I to remain blind to the threat to liberty,
the denial of opportunity, and the crippling poverty
that we face in some sections of this community.
♪ ♪
ROLLINS: Martin presented the city with a mirror.
You know, he made it clear
that he saw racism in the North as invidious
as racism in the South.
And when he held up that mirror,
he's showing city and state leaders
a picture that is disconcerting for them.
It's disconfirming.
MILETSKY: King, with his national following
and entourage and media presence,
embarrassed many state legislators,
who move all of a sudden with great alacrity
and speed toward passage of, you know,
a Racial Imbalance Act.
♪ ♪
VRABEL: The racial imbalance bill, filed originally in 1964,
said that any school district
that had schools with more than 50% of its students
as minorities had to adopt a racial imbalance plan
to address the situation.
I think the impetus for passing it in 1965
was for the state to do something
when the Boston School Committee and the city
obviously were not doing anything.
In August 1965,
Governor John Volpe signs the Racial Imbalance Act,
which makes Massachusetts the first state in the country
to proactively pass legislation
to try to address school desegregation.
It was a bit like a statewide version
of the Brown versus Board decision
nearly a decade earlier.
On paper, it meant that Massachusetts
was committing itself to take real action
to address school segregation.
It became clear immediately after the passage
by the Mass. Legislature of the Racial Imbalance Act
that the Boston School Committee had no intention
of integrating the school system.
They resisted at every turn.
Mrs. Hicks, is there a racial imbalance
in Boston schools?
If you mean predominantly ethnic groupings in our schools,
yes, there is racial imbalance.
Which merely reflects the geographic content
of the neighborhood.
But if you mean by racial imbalance
inferior schools,
we do not have racial imbalance
in the Boston Public Schools.
DELMONT: The Boston School Committee
saw it as a threat to their control and their power
over how schools functioned in Boston.
While the Racial Imbalance Act had recommendations
and policies for how school committees should address
issues of racial imbalance in the cities,
Boston's school committee didn't want to hear it.
It is only the idea of using buses to transport students
that really gets the attention of Boston's school committee.
They latch onto the issue of busing.
I feel that busing has no advantages
educationally for our little children.
It will take them far from their neighborhoods
and it will bring them into very strange neighborhoods.
The school committee goes through the motions
of filing plans
to desegregate the schools that it knows will be rejected.
Some of them are silly and farcical.
The school committee didn't accept
the necessity to file the plans,
and the penalty, the withdrawal of aid,
wasn't something that was enough to get them to move.
Often, politicians created
the impression that, in fact,
somehow, the obligation to racially integrate
the schools would go away.
VRABEL: Year after year,
Mrs. Hicks would get a legislator
to file a repeal bill.
So, you want the complete repeal
of the 1965 racial imbalance law.
Yes, I do, because it is acting to a detriment
to the schoolchildren of Boston
and it is very costly to the taxpayers.
♪ ♪
VRABEL: Year after year,
support for repealing the racial imbalance law actually grew.
There were a lot of factors at play
for those White Bostonians who opposed school desegregation.
Some people really didn't want to put their kids
on a bus to another neighborhood.
They were terrified-- they didn't own a car.
If something happened,
they would have a hard time getting there.
Others were, quite frankly, very racist,
and they did not want their child to go to school
with someone from another ethnic group.
That was real-- that was real, too.
MOE GILLEN: In Charlestown, it was mostly Irish.
Everybody knew everybody.
Most of the marriages were townie marrying townie.
LISA MCGOFF-COLLINS: We grew up in the projects.
A lot of divorced parents, a lot of alcoholic parents.
When my dad died, my mom had to get a real job, she said.
(chuckles): So she worked for the telephone company.
She wasn't on welfare.
She worked hard, and these were her children,
and no one's going to tell her what to do with them.
She thought it was wrong that they could take
a whole bunch of poor kids from one community
and stick them into another school,
not giving them anything else.
If I had to bus my child, I'd keep her home.
As I said before, I'll go to court, I'll fight it.
I will not let her be bused anywhere.
JOY: The whole sense of the integration
was a challenge to people.
"I don't think it's going to be better for my kids
"to go across the city to Dorchester
"or Roxbury or wherever.
"I know if they stay here in Charlestown that they're
"gonna have an education, they're going to have a job,
and they're going to have friends around them for life."
MICHAEL PATRICK MACDONALD: The people behind the racial imbalance law
were people from wealthier leafy suburbs.
Communities with schools that were 100% White.
Therefore, the racial imbalance law wouldn't apply to them.
JONES: In 1965,
a White school committeeman from suburban Brookline,
Leon Trilling, comes up with the idea:
why don't we have a program that buses
Black young people from Roxbury to suburban schools?
He brings this idea
to Ruth Batson, who embraced the idea.
So, in September 1966,
220 Black students from Boston
go to seven suburban school systems,
and that's the start of the METCO program.
STOCKMAN: Ruth Batson was a huge force behind
the creation of METCO and ended up working for it,
recruiting the kids, working with the schools.
She said, "I want the best that White people have to offer.
I don't want the worst."
The suburbs had all kinds of equipment
that schools in the city didn't have.
And she wanted that for Black children.
REPORTER: Seven transportation companies were hired
to pick up 220 Negro children in the METCO program.
Most of the stops are in Roxbury.
Some are in neighboring North Dorchester,
another Negro community in Boston.
The ride on a METCO bus takes up to an hour and five minutes.
The integration program is hardly massive this year.
At Braintree's East Junior High School, for example,
there were ten Negro students to about 1,200 Whites.
DELMONT: The METCO program was quite limited.
The other issue is that these suburban communities,
they're doing everything they can to oppose affordable housing
that would actually have meaningful
integration in their suburbs.
(jazz piece playing)
VRABEL: Louise Day Hicks had always been politically ambitious.
She had always had wanted to be mayor of Boston.
1967 seemed to be a perfect time for it.
HICKS: Let me give you a stick.
Now, when you use it, you have to say,
"Stick with Hicks on the 26th," okay?
VRABEL: She ran against Kevin White,
who was secretary of state of Massachusetts.
All right?
That's right, chivalry isn't dead.
That means men are still polite-- what's your name?
Hello, nice meeting you.
VRABEL: He was a candidate that liberals would vote for.
(people talking in background)
JACKSON: Kevin White had a big vision
that Boston could be a world-class city.
He ran against Louise Day Hicks
in a very racially charged election.
VRABEL: The motto of her campaign was, "You know where I stand."
JONES: And that meant, "You know I stand
"with you, the White community, in opposition
to the interests and demands of the Black community."
You know, it doesn't matter what
the color of her mother's skin is.
She wants her little child in the neighborhood school.
If you ask me, "Do you know where I stand?",
you know where I stand.
I stand on behalf of all the people of Boston.
As a very serious citizen of Roxbury,
I'd like to know exactly what are you gonna...
HICKS: Good morning, how are you? Good morning.
Good morning, how are you? MAN: Go ahead, shake hands with...
If you intend to be a mayor of Boston,
I think you should talk to everybody.
HICKS: I'd be very happy to meet you back in my district. I want to ask you here.
I'll be very happy to. Answer me now, here, just like you talked
to everybody else at the station.
Why ignore me?
BATSON: I feel that the people of Boston have found their leader.
Now, as history records her,
she'll be only recorded
as a person that created bigotry,
created division, created hate.
JONES: Mrs. Hicks scared the hell out of Kevin White
because she was doing pretty well.
And then Kevin White went to the Black community
to get the Black vote.
So, they rallied-- they voted.
MAN: White has won the election with 100,820 votes.
(audience cheers and applauds)
JACKSON: Kevin White prevailed because people
were disgusted with Boston's parochialism.
They knew that there needed to be a spark,
or Boston was going to be a historical footnote.
People were desperate for change.
But it was a narrow fight,
and I think it was for the soul of the city.
Are you happy?
(crowd cheers and applauds)
Tonight is a night of celebration for all of us.
(crowd cheers and applauds)
ANNOUNCER: This is a CBS News Special Report.
Dr. Martin Luther King,
the apostle of nonviolence in the Civil Rights Movement,
has been shot to death in Memphis, Tennessee.
Police have issued an all-points bulletin
for a well-dressed young White man seen running from the scene.
ROLLINS: I remember somebody came in and said,
"They killed King, Dr. King."
You could feel the floor
drop out from under people.
Martin was more than a preacher and a leader.
We were all ennobled by him.
We were all raised up by him.
He said, "The moral arc of the universe is long,
but it bends toward justice; have faith, we'll get there."
And suddenly, that's gone.
When he died as a leader in the way that he died,
it was devastating.
I felt devastated by it.
(inhales)
Right, and so, I'm still mourning.
Him.
♪ ♪
After Dr. King was assassinated,
it was very personal for all of us.
We were saying to ourselves,
"If this country can't take care of us,
we need to figure out how to take care of ourselves."
Well, it's my feeling that the main problem
is that there irrelevant and racist education at the school.
And that the young people are fed up with it.
They... REPORTER: What is the-- excuse me,
but what do you mean by racist education?
They have no instruction in Afro-American history.
The orientation is all around European and Western cultures.
The music that is, is called or referred to as "classical"
or "important" music is Bach, Beethoven, and Brahms.
It's not James Brown and Otis Redding.
And that's kind of that institutional kind of racism.
In addition to that, we have, we have a history of problems
with individual teachers who are prejudiced,
and it's nothing to be ashamed of.
It's something that must be dealt with.
The movement towards more community control of the schools
resulted in getting a Black principal
in the King School, ultimately.
It was a big victory.
Then community momentum shifted
to the Gibson School.
SANDIE FENTON: The Gibson School was an old building
in an African American community, primarily.
It was under-resourced, very few materials.
There was a certain fear of children, really,
in the school, but also locked doors.
They were kind of a symbol of keeping parents out.
As the first day of school neared,
we were aware of this
building tension in the community.
We really didn't know what was going to happen
the first day of school, but we knew
something was going to happen.
There was an announcement that a number of parents
had entered the school
and were in the principal's office.
The community had installed an alternative principal,
Ben Scott.
He was a nuclear chemist.
He had been working with the community activists
to try and improve schools.
BILL OWENS: We went to the office and told the principal
that she could no longer operate that school,
that we were, as parents,
going to take over the school.
We went to the teachers and told them they could stay
if they chose to do so.
Mel King came to my room
and taught a lesson to my fourth-graders.
He just radiated positive energy.
He was a community leader
who I had seen on television,
so, wow, when he walked into my room that day,
I was so excited.
And the kids got it.
They were quiet and listening, and...
♪ ♪
FENTON: The next day,
there were a number of policemen at the school door.
EGAN: They would let the teachers in, but nobody else.
OWENS: If we cannot go into the school,
we will not allow our children to go in.
So, we left that school and, honestly,
I didn't know where we were going,
but I knew we weren't going in there.
Our children were not going to go in.
Bill Owens walks out and grabs the parents,
and they follow him.
He looks behind him, he finds there's a bunch
of teachers, White teachers, that come with him.
FENTON: They were doing what they felt
was right for their kids in the moment.
We were trying to make things better in a desperate situation.
And so, we chose to support the parents.
Everybody goes inside
to the Robert Gould Shaw House, and the teachers begin trying
to organize little classrooms.
MAN: The primary purpose for keeping the children
out of the Gibson School is that we want
community-controls school.
We want a principal in the school who is approved
by the parents of the Gibson School.
FENTON: Our firing by the head of the school committee
was pretty immediate.
No hearing, no anything.
What do you plan to do now?
What about next? What are you gonna do? We don't...
We don't really know, we're... We haven't decided.
Uh, we'll, we'll still be teaching, of course,
any children from the Gibson School district
who will be available to us.
You will be there Monday morning, then?
We will be with the Gibson children,
wherever they are, Monday morning.
FENTON: The decision was made by the parents and others
to set up this Gibson Liberation School.
And so, a lot of people
descended immediately to help us.
There were people who brought materials,
books about Black kids and Black families
that were relevant to the kids.
REPORTER: Upon inspecting the school tomorrow morning,
if you do, in fact, find that there are no police there,
would you then be ready to negotiate
with the school committee without any other preconditions?
Yes, we would be.
We would be ready, yes.
WILLIAM TOBIN: You have no right to enter this building.
SCOTT: I've been authorized to enter this building...
By who? ...by the parents.
The parents have no right
to give you any authorization to enter this building.
The parents... If you enter this building, I am telling you,
you are trespassing-- I'm warning you now.
You are on school property right now,
and you are to remove yourself from school property,
or we'll have you removed.
EGAN: People called the parents on the phone
and said they were going to cut off their welfare.
They were going to be evicted
if they didn't send their kids back to school.
The parents were afraid.
FENTON: In November,
the parents decided to close the liberation school,
go back to continue the fight
at the Gibson School.
The kids all lined up,
and they sang at the top of their voices
"Lift Every Voice"...
CHILDREN: ♪ Lift every voice and sing ♪
FENTON: ... all the way back to the Gibson School.
CHILDREN: ♪ Ring with the harmonies ♪
♪ Of liberty ♪
VRABEL: After Louise Day Hicks ran for mayor and lost,
she was no longer a member of the school committee.
The school committee finally agreed to use
desegregation money to build new schools.
GLENN: The Lee School was one of a number of new schools
built between Black and White neighborhoods.
The School Department had a plan to assign students
from neighboring White schools and neighboring Black schools
into this beautiful
new facility with everything you can imagine,
but began to encounter a great deal of resistance
from parents whose children attended the Fifield
or the O'Hearn School, which were both predominantly White.
Approximately 200 children continued
to come to the Fifield School today,
even though they were assigned to the Lee.
And the same held true at the Patrick O'Hearn
a few blocks away.
VRABEL: A turning point in the whole desegregation saga
took place after school had started.
There was a meeting at the O'Hearn School,
and the school committee was deciding
whether to reconsider its vote
to open the school as a racially balanced school or not.
(applause slows)
I am making the motion that parents of the children
in the former O'Hearn and Fifield school districts
be allowed to make their own decisions.
VRABEL: John Craven decided to reverse his vote,
to vote not to open the school
as a racially balanced school,
and to kind of acquiesce to the demands
of the parents to not bus their children there.
So at this point,
the Black community in Boston has tried everything.
They've tried the ballot box, they've tried direct action.
They've tried the State House.
And, um, really, it hasn't worked.
None of it has worked.
So, some of them felt it was time to do
the last option, which was the court system.
In March 1972, lawyers for the NAACP,
on behalf of plaintiffs--
14 parents and 44 children--
file suit charging the Boston Public Schools
with de jure segregation,
that you had intentionally segregated the schools.
After the NAACP achieves its monumental victory
in Brown versus the Board of Education,
it's clear that the principle should apply in the North.
The reality was that schools
were segregated by race nationwide.
So those lawyers litigate a series of cases
in Northern cities that seek to establish that
schools that are in fact segregated
by race in Northern cities
should be desegregated just the same
as those in Southern cities.
ERIC VAN LOON: The judge in the Boston school desegregation case
was W. Arthur Garrity.
He was very different
from the typical personality of a federal judge.
(laughs): This sort of, bang the gavel,
take charge, forceful.
He was a thoughtful, reflective person.
ROSE: Plaintiffs had to prove
that the segregation of the Boston Public Schools,
which was basically
an undisputed fact, was the result
of deliberate policies
by the Boston School Committee.
It was very easy after Brown versus the Board of Education
for plaintiffs in Southern cities to prove their case.
VAN LOON: Across the Southern states, there were laws
that said, officially,
Black kids will go to this school,
White kids will go to that school.
In the North, there were not statutes of that nature.
A lot of the proof for the trial
ended up being easier than we had anticipated.
One of the most amazing things about
the Boston School Committee was that they literally had
a stenographer that would take down every single word
that was said in their public meetings,
so we had verbatim transcripts
of exactly the thoughts that they were thinking.
ROSE: Those transcripts became very, very important evidence
during the trial.
There were numerous comments made by
individual school committee members,
which revealed their true intentions.
VAN LOON: What was probably
the most surprising was all of the fiendishly clever
different kinds of arrangements that they made
to create and promote segregation.
One was the feeder pattern for schools.
You had this literal dual school system,
where Black kids would go elementary to middle school,
and a four-year high school; Whites would go elementary
to junior high and a three-year high school.
A Black student would be finished with middle school,
but there'd be no White high school with a ninth grade
for him to go to.
There were many instances where a Black population
in a particular area increased dramatically.
And what did the school committee do?
They would build some fairly small schools
adjacent to these African American areas,
which virtually ensured that those schools
would quickly become filled up with African American students.
VAN LOON: Another major device that the school department used
was called open enrollment:
the right of any student to go to any other school,
"so long as there was space available."
Very frequently, White students in an overcrowded school
would be bused
past a nearby predominantly Black school
that had space available
in order to go further away
to an overcrowded White school,
where they would add portable classrooms.
30,000 students every day were bused or used
other transportation for segregation.
There were decisions that were constantly being made
which only made sense from a racial standpoint.
And when you added into that mix pejorative comments,
it just became very clear that the Boston School Committee
had deliberately maintained a dual school system.
LEM TUCKER: The question of racial imbalance in Boston schools
is now before a federal court.
If you had to guess at this point,
what do you think that court will say?
(chuckles): Well, I, I would hope,
and I would believe, that the court would uphold
the feelings of many of us,
that schools should be desegregated in Boston.
There was a long period of time between the trial
and Judge Garrity's ultimate ruling.
It was over a year.
ROSE: He was under a tremendous amount of pressure,
including from Mayor White, to come out with his decision.
VRABEL: On June 21, 1974,
Judge Garrity ruled in favor of the plaintiffs,
and he found that the school committee
was guilty of maintaining a dual school system,
one for Black students and one for Whites,
that was unconstitutionally segregated.
ROSE: The opinion was extraordinary
in its detail.
Garrity wanted to make sure
that anybody who took the time to read the opinion
would agree with the result.
The facts that the judge points to as unlawful--
the using of feeder schools, transfer policies,
school assignment policies
to segregate the schools-- are observable
in many school systems in the country.
That would mean that many school systems
are segregated, following the logic of Morgan.
After a judge has found that a school system
is unconstitutionally segregated,
that situation has to be remedied.
Many people felt that the city schools should be
integrated along with suburban schools.
We prefer a metropolitan solution
for the problem, and its terms of
every kind of social fairness,
a metropolitan solution would be,
would be much, much better.
(people talking in background)
VAN LOON: That's what had happened in Detroit.
The Black parents had said,
"We've been discriminated against,"
but the Detroit schools are nearly 100% Black already,
so that the only effective way to have desegregation
is to bring in the suburbs.
That case, Milliken against Bradley,
was at the United States Supreme Court
and being argued at, essentially,
the exact same time.
Late in July of 1974,
the Supreme Court of the United States ruled
there was simply no legal basis
for including surrounding towns
in the remedy phase of the case.
Tragically, Milliken went down to defeat, five to four.
If Milliken had been affirmed, Detroit and Boston
would've ended up with a suburban, metropolitan solution.
We would have had a pooling of resources.
If we want to do something fundamentally about
educational opportunity and integration,
you have to involve more than just the inner city.
BROWN-NAGIN: In his dissent,
Justice Thurgood Marshall--
who had been the chief lawyer
who represented the Black plaintiffs
in Brown versus Board of Education--
makes the point that the court had taken
a giant step backwards from Brown.
It was deciding a constitutional law case based
not on logic and legal precedent,
but based on White resistance.
♪ ♪
VAN LOON: In 1973, the state Board of Education
had developed a desegregation plan for Boston,
because Boston officials refused to do it.
The state Supreme Court had ordered that
the state plan be implemented
in September 1974.
BROWN-NAGIN: As an interim measure,
Judge Garrity commanded that the Boston School Committee
comply with the order that had been issued by
the Supreme Judicial Court of Massachusetts.
It really was an effort by him
to have the City of Boston comply with an order
that it already should have been complying with.
♪ ♪
(protesters chanting and shouting)
VRABEL: The plan,
which would affect 40% of the city,
called for the busing of
19,000 junior high school and high school students.
It was just what all these busing opponents
who had been fighting all these years were afraid of.
STOCKMAN: Many people were very hopeful
that something would actually change now.
Others were scared about what was going to happen,
because there was going to be resistance.
ALLEN: I think there was a sense of
euphoria, relief, excitement, vindication,
jubilation, combined with a sense of,
"Now what do we do?" (chuckles)
(phones ringing, people talking in background)
JACKSON: We mobilized the A-team.
We had a boiler room.
We hired hundreds of new employees
as school crossing guards, as bus monitors,
as school room aides.
But the issue became
the election and racial imbalance law.
JACKSON: Kevin White had a hundred coffee klatches.
He knew that, at a minimum,
White parents needed to be listened to.
And I love raising my children here,
but yet I feel that we should be able
to solve our own problems
and not having outsiders come and do it.
WHITE: I agree with you.
PETERS: Mayor White would have these parent meetings,
and he would say things like,
"This is going to be hard.
"It, it's going to be like the South,
but we can get through this."
Secondly, it'll be a painful process
going through it, because the South
didn't just slide through it. (man murmurs)
It tore them apart
as it'll help to tear us apart.
PETERS: That was his message.
Ruth Batson always said,
"Not one politician-- including the mayor of this city--
ever said, 'This is the right thing to do.'"
Kevin White was contemptuous of the scheme
that Judge Garrity imposed, but did Kevin White
ever once say, "I won't enforce it"?
No.
Now, was he a profile in courage? No.
And I don't recall any other elected officials
being profiles in courage during busing.
They all headed for the hills.
ROLLINS: One of the great ironies in this entire busing situation
was that it's likely that most African American parents
would have preferred not to bus their kids.
They would have preferred to have their kids in schools
in their neighborhoods
that were high-quality.
ROCK: There was not a unified African American community
as it relates to school desegregation.
Many Black parents were saying,
"What are you thinking about, NAACP?
"This is crazy!
No, we can't send our kids into the lion's den."
PETERS: People were generally afraid for their children.
They fear going to South Boston,
they fear going to Charlestown,
they fear going to all-White schools
where Black people actually didn't live.
Made most parents very cautious.
(protesters shouting)
VRABEL: Garrity's decision deepened the opposition to busing.
They were going to oppose it with every fiber of their being.
I will not...
CROWD (repeating): I will not...
...pledge allegiance...
CROWD: ...pledge allegiance...
...to the order...
CROWD: ...to the order...
...of the United States court.
CROWD: ...of the United States court.
Nor to the dictatorship...
CROWD: Nor to the dictatorship...
WOMAN: ...for which it stands.
CROWD: ...for which it stands.
WOMAN: One order...
JOY: As the busing order became more and more real,
people tried to enroll their children into
parish schools that weren't part of their parish.
And the archbishop of Boston,
Humberto Cardinal Medeiros,
says, "No, you can't do that."
The church's position was, "You know?
"This is a court order.
"Not only are we going to obey it,
but it's the right thing to do."
A lot of people had so much to say,
to tell us what we had to do here in this community,
but nothing was happening to them.
They weren't being forced.
It bothered me that people
would have a lot to say about us,
but they don't live here.
JOY: Charlestown was a nitty-gritty place.
There was the largest housing project in the city,
more than 1,000 units of...
It was, it was grimy, it was old.
The people in Charlestown felt betrayal,
that after negotiations
with a lot of the urban renewal projects,
as part of the quid pro quo, I guess you'd call it,
they had been promised two new schools:
the Warren-Prescott School and the Kent School.
They felt as though they were taken away from them.
These new schools were no longer their schools.
They were someone else's schools.
GILLEN: We were told, "No, no, no, no, no.
Your kid cannot go to that school."
Wouldn't you be upset?
Wouldn't anybody be upset?
Of course we're upset.
We're upset about our rights.
Our kids could've gone from
pre-kindergarten to community college
and never leave the town,
and we were very happy with that.
MACDONALD: In phase one of the busing plan,
South Boston High School and Roxbury were paired.
South Boston's lower end, which is where I'm from,
held one of the highest concentrations
of White poverty in America.
We were not working class, we were poor.
(glass breaking)
To focus on a school
that had a lot of students on welfare,
that's not really the place to get equity.
(calling and yelling)
JACKSON: Black parents were smart enough to know
that the education their kids were going to get
at South Boston High School was not what they aspired to.
And the White community knew that their kids were being bused
into inferior schools in the Black community.
MAN: ♪ We'll fight ♪
VRABEL: The group was formed,
ROAR-- Restore Our Alienated Rights--
by Louise Day Hicks and others in South Boston.
MAN: ♪ Tonight ♪
♪ Let us unite ♪
♪ And do it ROAR's way ♪
♪ ♪
VRABEL: Its meetings were held
in the Boston City Council chambers in City Hall,
that by this time Louise Day Hicks was on.
She posted big letters in the windows
that spelled out R-O-A-R,
and anyone passing by on City Hall Plaza
could look up and see what seemed to be
the official endorsement of ROAR by City Hall.
MAN: ♪ You see, his name is Garrity ♪
♪ You know darn well, he can go to hell ♪
♪ We'll do it ROAR's way ♪
(car horns honking)
MONAHAN: We had motorcades
to draw attention and noise through the whole town
that we're against this.
We drove by Garrity's house in Wellesley.
It was exciting.
How can that be exciting?
But as a teenager, with all that activity,
that is one way I would describe the experience.
It all culminated that fall,
just before school opened, with a
10,000-person demonstration in Government Center.
(people talking in background)
REPORTER: Today, the people who gathered
on City Hall Plaza were angry.
Their battle against busing has been lost.
They said they were coming to
tell Senators Kennedy and Brooke exactly how the city feels
about their consistent support for busing.
(chanting): Impeach Kennedy!
MCGOFF-COLLINS: I can remember, it was an angry, angry time.
No matter what we said,
all these people that we looked up to
at one time in our lives were turning against us.
(protesters shouting)
JACKSON: Our senior senator, Ted Kennedy,
is walking through City Hall Plaza
surrounded by a crowd of angry anti-busing activists
who confronted him,
jostled him.
Kennedy took a punch in the, in the gut.
I was there, I saw it.
(protesters shouting)
His aides were helping him evade the crowd,
which was getting angrier and angrier.
Security got the senator into the building safely,
and a number of folks
just started pounding on the glass.
(protesters shouting, pounding)
(pounding loudens)
And it broke.
(glass shatters)
JACKSON: And if that glass had shattered on Ted Kennedy,
he could've been killed.
30-foot-high plate glass shattering
is something to behold.
It was a very scary moment.
There was no dialogue during this period.
There was only historical division and hatred.
This was just as polarized,
just as ugly, as any place on the Earth.
Good evening.
As we all know, in three days,
the city of Boston will face one of her greatest challenges:
busing.
JACKSON: That night,
Kevin White asked for permission from local television
to give a speech.
I wrote a speech and he delivered it.
To every mother and father, I pledge tonight
that your mayor and that your police department
will tolerate no threat to the well-being of your children.
JACKSON: Right after Kevin White delivered his speech,
the police commissioner informed us that Whitey Bulger,
who was then a notorious gangster,
was planning to shoot and kill Black children
as the buses rolled on what they called Opening Day.
We were at the precipice of
anarchy, civil war.
What you could feel
was the palpable fear and animosity
that, that just hung over the city
like an explosion
just waiting for a match to be lit.
MONAHAN: The morning of, you hear the helicopters.
It started at 6:00.
It just accentuated the tension that was in the community.
CARL JOHNSON: The first day was
anticipated to be chaotic,
and it was.
There were lots of people who were there
to watch what was going on.
There were truckfuls of cameras
and everything else.
The kids hadn't even come yet.
ELLISON-FEASTER: I was assigned to South Boston High School.
I had a new outfit for the first day of school,
because no sophomore could wear clothes
that they wore in their freshman year.
I was looking forward to, you know,
going to a football or a basketball game.
I was looking forward to having friends
and some after-school activities.
MAN: The first three buses, please.
South Boston High School now loading.
JACKSON: I met the police commissioner and then the superintendent.
We went to South Bay,
which is where the buses were going to come,
and basically form a wagon train
going up the Heights to South Boston High School.
♪ ♪
ELLISON-FEASTER: We get to a certain point,
and all you see is a sea of people with signs
and yelling at the students that are on the bus.
I wondered to myself,
"Why would a person get up that early in the morning
to taunt Black students?"
(crowd yelling indistinctly)
JACKSON: They were greeted with an angry crowd,
yelling the N-word and literally throwing bananas
at some of the Black kids.
(crowd yelling)
It was the ugliest
that I've ever experienced human nature.
(yelling continues)
ROCK: As the kids were getting out of the buses,
thousands of residents from South Boston
were screaming at the Black students,
"Nigger, go home.
Nigger, go home."
VRABEL: There were very few White students
going to school that first day, because the anti-busing side
had called for a boycott of schools.
JOHNSON: I had 35 kids assigned to each class,
and less than half of those kids came to my class.
One of the reasons why they boycotted
was, they were hoping that they would rescind the order
and allow their children
to go to South Boston High School.
It was kind of a waiting game for them.
IONE MALLOY: The desegregation plan for the first year,
the sophomores would be bused from Roxbury
to South Boston High School.
The junior class was supposed to go to Roxbury.
And the seniors could choose either South Boston or Roxbury.
RICHARD HUNT: At Roxbury High School,
in the heart of a Black district,
most of the buses sent to bring in White students
arrived empty or with only a few passengers.
Only 234 pupils--
20 Whites and 214 Blacks--
came to school.
The student body is supposed to be about 900.
I think it's going to be all right
if everybody comes and stops being scared, because,
shoot, I don't think there's nothing to be scared of.
REPORTER: How do you think things are going to work out
here at Roxbury High?
I don't know, I guess they'll work out all right if,
if the parents could stay out of it all and let
the kids work it out for themselves, it'll be all right.
(shouting)
(shouting and screaming)
ELLISON-FEASTER: Most of the teachers and administrators,
they tried to keep us away from the windows
because of what was going on outside.
(glass breaking, woman screaming)
(crowd shouting indistinctly)
HUNT: At least twice,
stones and bottles began to fly
and the police charged, led by policemen on horseback.
(people shouting)
The police charges cleared the way
for the buses to pick up the Black students
at the end of the day.
BROWN-NAGIN: It's clear,
Whites who do not want Blacks in their schools
are acting in just the same way
as violent Whites in the South.
MONAHAN: I'm not uncomplicit in this.
If you saw it on the television, I was there.
(crowd shouting)
There was a sense that we were going to lose our community.
I had no interest in throwing bricks or a rock,
and most people didn't.
We weren't raised that way, but it happened.
(rock crashing, glass shattering)
People throwing bricks and rocks.
MACDONALD: I was eight years old,
but I needed to feel or pretend
that I was part of this thing.
Throwing a rock was
part of being of the mob, of the "us."
♪ ♪
ROCK: When we got to the staging area,
waiting for the buses to come back,
we saw that the buses had broken windows.
It was painful,
because the kids were coming out crying.
Some parents showed up.
Some of the kids didn't have their parents to support them.
(talking in background)
JACKSON: When I reported to Kevin White on Opening Day
that no Black child had been killed,
we thought that was a victory.
It was the saddest day in Boston's history.
But if a Black child had been killed,
it would have been a civil war.
JONES: That night, Black leaders were enraged
because the public safety of their kids
was in jeopardy.
They called a meeting,
to which they invited Mayor White
to make it quite clear to him,
"We expect you to make sure that our kids are safe.
"We are not going to accept anything but that,
and you are not doing that."
JACKSON: It was a very tough night for Kevin White
to face angry, frightened Black parents,
because he had promised them
that their children would be safe,
and they weren't.
He had to admit that he had failed,
and he asked for their forgiveness,
but he wasn't able to deliver on
the first and most important obligation that any leader has,
which is to keep his community safe.
JONES: Black leaders had to make a tough decision:
to ask Black parents to stay the course.
Tough decision.
All along the way,
Black parents have had to make
very difficult decisions
in order to assert their rights,
and to use their kids in the process.
(people talking in background)
We're so proud of you, kids.
I know it, it takes courage,
and I know you're-- it's fear when
they throw rocks and bottles at you.
But we're determined.
And if you kids want an education,
you're going to get it.
ELLISON-FEASTER: The second day,
the Black students had to be
escorted by Boston police officers
because of what had happened on the first day.
REPORTER: How long do you anticipate the need for
police protection for the kids going to South Boston?
ROBERT DI GRAZIA: As long as it's necessary.
Is it, possibility that it would continue
till next June, till school is out?
Oh, I don't think so.
Certainly not planning on it,
but we'll be here if it's necessary.
We had marching orders
to go out and get stories that were forceful,
that ignited passion.
Let them move next door to me, I don't care,
but don't send my kids all over Timbuktu!
ARMSTRONG: "If anybody is yelling, make sure you get that.
And if they get angry with you, make sure you show that."
These were the stories that were picked up by the networks.
(crowd shouting)
So the nation saw a city in turmoil,
a city ready to explode,
because that's how we were covering it.
(people shouting in background)
When you look at the protests against desegregation,
it was mostly at the high school level.
There was a very small number of schools
where there was violence.
VRABEL: There were three geographic enclaves
that still had semblances of a neighborhood school system.
They were South Boston, Charlestown, and East Boston.
Because they were so geographically isolated,
they were still sending their kids
to neighborhood schools.
♪ ♪
Those three neighborhoods
fought hardest to keep what they had,
and South Boston,
being the only one involved the first year,
fought first.
HOLLAND: I just remember,
we got on the van with the Black teachers
because it was safe for White teachers,
but it wasn't safe for Black teachers
to drive their cars up there.
We got in a caravan with the school buses,
motorcycle escorts,
patrol cars, and I said, "Wow.
"This is how you start your day?
It's like you're going to a armed encampment."
♪ ♪
By the time kids even got off the bus,
they were tense.
Each day, your stomach would knot up.
REPORTER: You've had a chance now to watch for three weeks
how this school is going to operate logistically,
day in and day out.
Now, you, have you formed an opinion yet
on whether or not education can be accomplished,
if teaching can go on in this kind of circumstance?
I have formed opinions.
What's your opinion?
I think it's almost self-evident.
Come on, go to school or go home.
Come on, LaRosa, let's go.
(laughing) Come on.
HOLLAND: Dr. Reid, the principal,
he really cared about the kids,
but was almost powerless to do anything,
because he had no control.
The community outside was controlling the kids.
♪ ♪
ELLISON-FEASTER: I woke up in the morning
thinking about what's going to happen
inside of the building that day.
White students was, often call Black students a nigger.
(crowd shouting in background)
Sometimes they would make, like, a grunting sound,
like we were apes.
♪ ♪
GIRL: It's tense.
It's always tense in the class,
because you never know when a fight is going to break out.
I mean, you give someone a wrong look
and they jump right on your back.
The Black kids didn't go over there to start trouble.
Black kids were scared.
So, the kids who would initiate a lot of the fighting
was White kids.
When fights occurred, Black kids were being jumped,
but they were being suspended.
ELLISON-FEASTER: My brother could not take the bullying, the harassment.
He eventually stopped attending school.
Going over there to me is like going to a war.
Because that's all we do over there is fight.
You can't get an education
and watch your back at the same time.
Black kids went through a heck of a lot
to go to South Boston High School,
to go and get a education where they weren't welcome.
They paid a heavy price.
And White kids paid a heavy price,
because that community used those kids like pawns
and sacrificed their education, as well.
JOHNSON: At the end of the second period,
the bell rang. (electronic bell rings)
And I went, "Oh."
I went out in the corridor.
I noticed there were a large bunch of White youngsters.
A bookbag came hurtling out of the crowd
towards these two Black boys.
And as the White kids turned to flee,
one of the Black youngsters came forward
and stabbed one of the White boys.
(girl screams)
My God!
I, I was just in, in shock.
ELLISON-FEASTER: I was going into the main office.
I heard voices saying, "The niggers killed him.
They killed him."
And then, just, you know, chaos inside of the building.
I went to the office,
and I told the secretary, "Call an ambulance."
And then there was a communication:
"White students, leave the building.
All Black students should go to their classrooms."
(crowd shouting)
MONAHAN: When the kids were dismissed and they said
a White kid had got stabbed,
of course, that goes through the whole community.
You know, and I went up to the high school.
ELLISON-FEASTER: The crowd had grown outside,
and it had grown and grown.
(talking in background)
MONAHAN: There were a number of Black students--
a couple of hundred, maybe-- they were trapped.
It was an angry crowd
saying pretty angry things.
CROWD (chanting): Send them back to Africa!
MONAHAN: You know, "Bus them back to Africa," and...
You know, that stuff.
Those kids definitely could hear the chants.
Send them back to Africa!
I can't imagine...
(exhales)
(exhales): I can't imagine how those kids felt.
(crowd shouting)
JUDY STOIA: The crowd's anger spread to include
not only the Black students inside the school,
but the policemen outside, as well.
(crowd shouting, glass breaking)
Mounted police rode into the crowd
in an effort to split it,
but they were met by bricks, bottles, eggs,
and verbal abuse.
(crowd shouting, objects crashing)
Missiles flew from the sidewalks,
the back of the crowd, and from the rooftops.
MALLOY: Louise Day Hicks was on the front steps
telling the crowd to let the students go back to Roxbury.
(crowd shouting in background) Now, there's only one way
to get them back to Roxbury,
and that is to have them go back by bus.
Let's get them back.
(shouting, murmuring continue) Okay.
I am going to ask you, will you please move
to the other side of the street so they can go back?
CROWD (shouting, murmuring): No!
She looked frightened,
because she couldn't control them.
(crowd shouting, glass shattering)
ELLISON-FEASTER: We were wondering,
like, how are we going to get out of here?
(crowd shouting, objects clattering)
There was a sea of people, and, and it was so violent.
MONAHAN: They came up with a brilliant plan.
They sent decoy buses
up to the front
at the same time that they would escort the Black students
to buses that were behind the school.
We were waiting for the buses.
(chuckling): Never thinking the buses were already there
in the back of the building.
The students ran out the back door
to get on those buses.
(chanting): Here we go, Southie, here we go!
ELLISON-FEASTER: You could hear the crowd.
Here we go, Southie, here we go!
ELLISON-FEASTER: All I could think of was,
what'd happen if that crowd had caught me,
so I ran as fast as I possibly could
to get on the bus,
and I ducked, and I laid on the floor.
♪ ♪
GIRL: And they ran us to the buses,
and they ran us out the school, and they...
We had to go around the back still.
(all talking at once) We had to run, we had to walk all the way down L Street.
And parents and everything was out there trying to hurt us.
The police dispersed the crowd,
and that was the end of that day.
We-- teachers went out to the car,
and I remember, a bird flew over.
We all ducked, because everything was so fearful.
South Boston High School reopened today
for the first time in almost a month.
Only about one quarter of the students showed up today,
and at the main building,
there were more police than students.
(people talking in background)
ELLISON-FEASTER: When you walked into the building,
there were metal detectors
where students had to go through.
In the hallways, you had state troopers
every ten feet or so,
so it was almost as if you were in prison.
(police radio running)
As a student, it was really difficult for learning,
because of the tension in the building.
Some of the teachers did try,
but there was a lot, in my opinion,
that just tried to get through the day.
JOHNSON: There were kids who came in every day.
Basically.
There were some kids who would walk into the classroom,
and I'd say, "Ooh, who are you?"
(chuckling): You know?
These are a few of the things
that we should know about latitude.
STOIA: Many parents are balking
at court-ordered desegregation.
In fact, they've taken it a step further,
and set up their own underground or alternative schools.
These schools are not accredited,
and therefore, they're not legal.
I actually was a volunteer teacher.
The South Boston Information Center,
where the rallies were planned,
in the front room, on the same mimeograph
where you would run off the fliers,
I would run off my papers for class.
STOIA: There's also an alternative school
for Black children in Boston,
set up for many of the same reasons--
parents are afraid to send their children into hostile,
perhaps dangerous, environments, and choose instead
to set up their own schools.
VRABEL: Cardinal Medeiros had decreed
that Catholic schools should not be a refuge
for those seeking to leave the public schools,
and it was widely ignored.
BURNIEIKA: If you didn't like getting bused to Roxbury,
you just went to your local parish parochial school.
If you worked the bingo on Friday night
and cleaned up afterwards,
X numbers of dollars would be taken off your tuition.
♪ ♪
VRABEL: By the end of the first year of busing,
10,000 children had been withdrawn
from the Boston public school system.
REPORTER: How do you speak to the frequent allegation
that what we're doing is creating and,
or inciting or
urging on this White flight?
The argument that is used,
that is probably most often used here,
that you're going to destroy the city. Very simple answer.
If the price of Whites staying
is Blacks losing constitutional rights
and educational benefits, let them go.
Simple answer.
VAN LOON: Judge Garrity had ordered the state plan into effect
in September 1974.
It was not a plan that eliminated
segregation "root and branch,"
which was the, the phrase of the Supreme Court decisions.
So, a more comprehensive plan needed to be developed.
Judge Garrity ordered that the Boston School Committee
come up with a plan and gave them a deadline
in mid-December to do that.
The committee is under a court order
to file a second phase desegregation plan this Monday.
The question remaining is,
will the school committee approve the plan
and send it on to Judge Garrity?
People are leaving the city,
people are leaving the school system,
and I cannot in good conscience add to that bloodshed,
add to that racial hatred,
and add to the further fleeing of the city
from the people of Boston,
and I will not vote approval of this plan.
♪ ♪
VAN LOON: When it came time to submit it to the court,
the school committee members said, "We refuse.
"We won't do it.
We'll do nothing to aid or abet forced busing."
On behalf of the Black parents and the Black students,
we asked Judge Garrity to find the school committee
in criminal and civil contempt.
JACKSON: Why didn't the judge hold them in contempt?
I don't understand why,
given how they ignored, and abused,
and flaunted his orders,
they were let off the hook.
VRABEL: Garrity commissioned his experts,
Robert Dentler and Marvin Scott,
to come up with another plan, called Phase Two.
Phase Two increased the number of students to be bused.
Instead of just junior high school and high school students,
it was to be students from grades one to 12.
VAN LOON: Garrity ordered more Black teachers to be hired,
more Black administrators to be hired,
and for those to be assigned schools
on a desegregated basis.
ALLEN: Garrity recognized that
there was almost no parent involvement,
so the racial-ethnic parent councils were established.
It was literally the first time
in the history of the city
where large numbers of Black and White parents,
and some Latino and Asian parents, sat together.
This would be a revolution in the city of Boston.
♪ ♪
VRABEL: We move into the summer, 1975.
The scene shifts to Charlestown,
which is now part of the busing plan
for the first time.
It was now going to lose its neighborhood school system
if it adhered to the Phase Two requirements.
JOY: There was a sense in Charlestown.
It was like a tsunami was coming, that...
It was a foreboding.
It pervaded everything.
It's one thing to read about it in the newspaper,
but to walk into it and to, to feel it
and get a sense that, "Yeah,
it's not in their best interests in many ways."
Come on!
What is the attitude of
the parents that you have contact with?
Are many students going to even return
to Charlestown High this fall?
We've transferred as many as
six to eight students each week since June 20.
PAM BULLARD: Where are these students heading?
POWER: Generally, they're moving into what I would call
lower-middle-class areas
in surrounding communities on the north side of the city.
MCGOFF-COLLINS: My mother joined Powder Keg with all her friends.
It was an organization of Charlestown mothers
that were here to help
try to "fight" forced busing.
My mother said, "If you want to go to school,
"you can go to school.
If you don't want to, you don't have to."
I decided to go to school,
because I really wanted to go to Charlestown High.
It was something I was looking forward to.
If I had been assigned to Roxbury,
I wouldn't have gone-- I did not want to get on a bus.
Do you think that the project
has been hit particularly hard by busing,
as opposed to the rest of Charlestown?
Well, I think you'll find the project has
had to bear the greater brunt
of children who have had to leave Charlestown
to go to school.
Why, why is that?
I think that, um...
My own experience is
that the other sections of Charlestown,
that the kids have either gone to parochial schools
or have gone to private schools.
There were several evenings in the summer
during which parents from Roxbury
were bused into Charlestown High School,
and I can remember Black parents coming out and saying,
"I don't want my kid going to this school!
"My kid is getting bused to this school?
It's a dump!"
CROWD (chanting): Hell, no, we won't go!
JACKSON: During the first phase of busing,
we wanted as light a police presence as possible.
We didn't want to antagonize the crowd.
(chanting continues, officer directing march)
But clearly, the tactics we adopted
that first day were inadequate,
so the second year
was an entirely different approach,
and it was a much more massive physical presence of police.
PATRICK BRADY: The implementation plan
called for 997 police officers.
They were in attendance.
Also, state police in South Boston
had a complement of 499.
The MDC in South Boston,
there were 82.
This was at South Boston.
Also, the MDC at Charlestown with 215.
♪ ♪
JOY: The first day of busing was...
Everybody was on, on eggshells.
"What's going to happen
"when the buses are going to come?
What, which way are they coming?"
They went on the streets and figured,
"If we're on the streets,
"the buses aren't going to run us over.
"We can stop busing by being on the streets
and, and blocking the buses."
But the police just put up a blockade,
and the buses went a different route.
♪ ♪
I got out early
and the helicopters were overhead.
There were snipers on the buildings.
The place was ringed with police,
and it was chaotic.
MCGOFF-COLLINS: I met up with my two friends.
We had on our matching Coca-Cola pants
and our little shirts to match.
♪ ♪
I just remember motorcycle cops up and down the street.
And it sounded like, you know, Nazi Germany
instead of, you know, your first day of school.
As you got to the square,
there were a sea of cameras-- cameras everywhere.
JOY: Charlestown was, like, the center of the universe.
There were reporters from all over the place.
We had Japanese reporters.
I don't understand,
what is a Japanese reporter from Tokyo
doing here covering busing? It's, you know...
MCGOFF-COLLINS: We walked up the hill.
There were people who don't want us to go to school.
People yelling, you know,
calling us names, "You N-lover."
You know, "Stay out of the building."
Some people really believed
that if everybody stayed out of school
and didn't go,
then busing would not be an issue.
BOY: Why ain't I going to school? I'm boycotting.
REPORTER: How come?
Why do you think? The cops are up there.
MAN: When are you going to get them get out of the way? They're locking it...
They're locking the schools from the outside.
Buses busing.
I don't want nothing to do with it.
REPORTER: How long are you going to stay out?
All year. Really?
All year.
ALL: Holy Mary, mother of God,
pray for our sinners...
JOY: During the daytime,
the mothers would march and they'd take
the little kids with them, and maybe the baby carriage.
(clapping and cheering)
GILLEN: They protested in the street.
Sit down.
Sit down in the street.
They did it sometimes to aggravate,
as opposed to expecting
any real success in anything.
WOMAN: I raise the white flag... CROWD: ♪ God bless America ♪
There were 14 arrests in Boston today,
bringing the total since school's opening to 94.
Nine policemen have been injured,
mainly in nighttime disturbances.
(sirens blaring)
OFFICER: I better not see that car in the area again.
JOY: At night, when it got dark,
it was a little bit more ugly, and there were
objects thrown at the police.
Windows were broken,
Molotov cocktails, or, or...
Bottles like that.
And it could have just exploded.
DI GRAZIA: Last night, a mob of several hundred people
started stoning civilian cars
and setting fires in the streets,
and then attacked responding firefighters.
It was this mob that then attacked police
attempting to protect the citizens and the firefighters.
The quickest way we can get the city back to normal
is to stop the troublemakers.
JOY: But the police were very restrained.
They knew these people.
The police department
was trying to police their own people, basically.
I think they were lenient, to say the least,
on some of those issues.
Some of the district court judges
had an umbrage against Judge Garrity.
They were more concerned about the perpetrator
than the victim during, during those days.
REPORTER: I think the cops, whatever you may,
else you may say, are doing a, a first-rate job.
Busing... Let me ask you a question.
If the kind of scenes, crowd scenes,
you, you've encountered in Charlestown--
the crowds were White--
was to be taking place in Roxbury,
where the crowds were Black,
do you for one minute think
that we would have a, a situation like we have today,
where the total arrests that have been made over there
have been less than 20?
Do you for one minute think that would prevail?
That's the answer to your question.
We're dealing with a double standard of law enforcement.
And as long as that continues,
then we're going to continue to have a problem
where people will think they can enforce the law
on the street with their fists
or with a rock or with a bottle.
(car horns honking, people applauding and whistling)
JOY: One of the difficulties in the schools
was the influence of the adults inciting and plotting
and planning for the kids to,
you know, "10:00, 10:30, you're going to walk out.
And we'll, we'll get the press there, okay?"
MCGOFF-COLLINS: They would plan at Powder Keg the night before
and would let their kids know, and then say,
"Okay, as soon as the bell rings,
"everybody, stay in your seat.
Don't anybody leave."
The children have a series of demands to make.
The school authorities don't want to listen to the demands
while they're still seated inside the school.
I remember being picked up physically by policemen
to bring us outside the building.
Some kids just did it
just so they could get out of school, you know?
And so, there was a lot of chaos going on
and everybody was joining in on it.
(talking in background)
ALLEN: Of some 164 schools in Boston,
there was a very small number of schools
where there were violence.
The vast majority
of public schools in Boston were successfully desegregated.
In the beginning,
a lot of parents kept their kids out of school,
Black and White,
mostly because, "What does this mean?"
REPORTER: You have a child.
One child, two child-- how many do you have?
I have two children,
one going to the McKay in East Boston
and one going to the Kent in Charlestown.
(chuckling): So, I've been going in two directions
to, you know, sort of...
Will you still send them in light of what you've heard?
Um...
Yeah.
You know, I think, when I think it over,
I, I will, but I'll be frightened,
and I'll be very nervous about it.
But, you know, I think that we have to do it.
We don't, we don't have a choice,
and I, I want Phase Two to work,
and I, I just don't think we can boycott.
You could find these White parents
emerging in these White working-class communities
and saying, "Yes, segregation is wrong.
"We want something better for Black children
and something better for White children."
Maureen and I both supported public education,
but it was a huge decision.
We were going to send our kids on a bus
as a first-grader into Roxbury.
So, it took the summer for us to discuss that.
All my neighbors, you know, they thought we were nuts,
putting them on a bus,
having them get stoned at Savin Hill Ave.
because there were Black kids on the bus.
And then when they got to Roxbury,
getting stoned by Black kids
because there were White kids on the bus.
Unfortunately, it became almost normal.
And that's a sad indictment
for a seven- or eight-year-old kid.
MACDONALD: There were very rational voices.
People who were opposed to the racism
but also opposed to the busing plan, and who,
once it happened, wanted to make it happen
without the violence, wanted their kids to be safe,
and wanted other kids from across town
who were Black to be safe.
MONAHAN: Tracy Amalfitano and Jim
literally lived right across the street.
She actually joined biracial council.
Tracy and others were deploring the violence
and just trying to get folks to calm down.
The one incident that's still seared into my memory...
(sniffs)
(sighs, clears throat)
My brothers and I are, you know, outside.
Out of nowhere came a mob.
They had bats.
Tracy's station wagon got busted up with, with bats.
Bricks or rocks thrown
through the windows of Tracy's three-decker.
So, we're just stunned that this happens.
And then it got worse,
in that several cars come down the street slowly,
and in the cars were some women.
And one of them had this (muted)-eating grin.
And the translation: "This is what happens
if you turn traitor on our community."
(breath trembles)
I didn't go to any more rallies after that.
It wasn't exciting anymore.
(playing "Yankee Doodle")
VRABEL: The culmination for most people of the violence
happened in April of 1976...
(cannon fires)
...as Boston,
the birthplace of liberty, the hotbed of abolition,
was celebrating the bicentennial.
(protesters shouting)
MCGOFF-COLLINS: We were going to march on City Hall,
and I remember walking with my friend and her mom,
and we're singing and, you know, everybody's all riled up.
As we got onto the plaza,
there were a lot of people there.
I was walking across City Hall Plaza on my way
to attend a meeting in City Hall.
(protesters chanting)
I realized that there was
an anti-busing demonstration going on.
Several of them started shouting,
"There's a nigger, get him."
♪ ♪
The first person to attack me knocked my glasses off,
and that caused me to fall,
and then several other young men
decided to start kicking me.
I was able to pick myself up,
and I could see that someone
was swinging an American flag at me,
really lunging at me with the flag.
I see all this happening, and I remember
crying and saying, "Why is this happening?"
Because when you did these peaceful marches,
you don't want people to think of us as,
"Here come the troublemakers."
LANDSMARK: That evening,
I got a call from the Boston Police
saying that a photographer had captured the incident,
and they wanted me to see
whether I could identify any of the young people.
That was the first moment
that I really got to see the expressions
on the faces of these teenagers.
It was clear that there was manifest hatred
that several of the young men felt towards me.
JACKSON: The Pulitzer Prize-winning photograph became
the world-famous emblem of hatred.
The American flag,
a Black professional walking through City Hall Plaza,
and, and the violence that was inflicted upon him
as a result of hatred.
♪ ♪
(crowd shouting)
VRABEL: The violence continued year to year.
It was sporadic.
(glass breaking, objects clattering)
Hard to anticipate.
The tensions carried over from the school onto the streets.
I don't even think it had--
it had nothing to do with busing anymore.
Anytime something bad happened to a Black person,
something bad would happen to a White person.
At least three more incidents were reported today
in the continuing racial violence in Boston.
It was like a retaliation throughout the city
for a long time.
People being pulled out of cars and beaten up, and, you know,
just terrible stuff.
BURNIEIKA: People don't realize how very close the city came
to just completely exploding.
I'm talking about the whole city.
It came very, very close.
♪ ♪
In the middle of all this chaos,
I wrote in my journal, "Fiat justitia ruat caelum."
"Do justice, though the heavens fall."
I remember reflecting then,
what good will it do to do justice if the heavens fall?
What would justice look like among the ruins?
♪ ♪
ROLLINS: If there had been a way for deep dialogue
between Blacks and Whites,
a lot of the conflict that arose
during the '60s and '70s was avoidable.
People were in a state of violent agreement.
What we agreed about
was the inefficacy of busing.
White parents didn't want it for their kids.
They had different motivations and different reasons,
and Black parents would have preferred
not to have to have busing if they had had quality schools.
We did not slow down, take a deep breath,
take a step back, and ask ourselves,
"What's possible together?"
That's a tragedy.
Everybody has lost.
♪ ♪